Putin is the beneficiary of Erdogan’s post-coup purge
普京是土耳其大清洗的受益者
广州土耳其语翻译公司：舍夫佐娃：不管西方是容忍土耳其总统埃尔多安清洗政变者，还是将因此与土耳其交恶，克里姆林宫都乐见其成。
The spetsnaz are Russia’s elite special forces, undertaking high-risk missions that lay the groundwork to enable the country’s regular soldiers to dominate the battlefield. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey is playing a similar role for the “authoritarian international”. His post-coup purges are part of a tradition of despots cracking down on enemies — real or imagined, it makes no odds — to consolidate their rule. Yet there is one crucial difference: Turkey belongs to Nato and to the Council of Europe human rights body, and is an aspiring member of the EU. Mr Erdogan’s actions are thus an open challenge to western principles.
“阿尔法小组”(spetsnaz)是俄罗斯精英特种部队，负责执行高风险任务，为该国常规部队控制战场局势打下基础。土耳其总统雷杰普•塔伊普•埃尔多安(Recep Tayyip Erdogan)正在为“威权主义国际”(authoritarian international)扮演类似的角色。他在政变后发起的清洗正符合独裁者打击敌人（真实的还是臆想的都无所谓）以巩固自身统治的传统。但一个关键的不同在于：土耳其是北约(Nato)和欧洲委员会(Council of Europe)成员，而且在积极申请加入欧盟(EU)。因此，埃尔多安的所作所为是对西方原则的公开挑战。广州土耳其语翻译公司。
Authoritarians everywhere are scrutinising the western response. “Erdogan the Spetsnaz” is exposing precisely where the “red line” on illiberal actions really lies. His successful purge of the army, judiciary, universities and schools, and the grumbling acceptance of this by the west, will inspire his peers to follow suit.
世界各地的威权主义者都在密切注视西方的反应。“阿尔法小组埃尔多安”恰好暴露出西方对反自由行动的“红线”到底划在何处。他对军队、司法系统、大学及中小学成功的清洗，以及西方对此的无奈接受，将激起其他威权主义者纷纷效仿。
For now Russia is the main beneficiary of Mr Erdogan’s countercoup. It seems only yesterday that President Vladimir Putin was a whipping boy for promoters of democracy, who lamented his strangulation of civil society and domestic opposition. Turkey, meanwhile, was held up as proof that democracy could take root even in a country with an illiberal past. It appeared to be a democratic state with political pluralism, an independent media, opposition parties and a constitutional court able to confront the powerful president.
目前看来，俄罗斯是埃尔多安打击政变的主要受益者。仿佛就在昨天，俄总统弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)还是民主倡导者的出气筒，他们哀叹于他对公民社会及国内反对派的扼杀，而土耳其却被当作例证，证明即便在一个拥有反自由历史的国家，民主制度也可以扎根。信奉政治多元主义且拥有独立媒体、反对党以及有能力对抗强权总统的宪法法院，土耳其看似一个民主国家。广州土耳其语翻译公司。
But in light of Mr Erdogan’s vengeful clear out, the Russian regime looks positively vegetarian. True, the Kremlin still harasses opposition parties and manages electoral outcomes, and you can be sent to jail for a couple of years if you write an unflattering blog post. But it seems inconceivable that even the Kremlin today will start to behave like this (unless it faces domestic turmoil).
但与埃尔多安复仇式的清洗相比，俄罗斯当局简直就像素食主义者。没错，克里姆林宫仍在干扰反对党，操控选举结果，如果你发表一篇贬损当局的博文，就有可能遭受几年的牢狱之灾。但即便是克里姆林宫，似乎也难以想象它在如今会像埃尔多安那样行事（除非面临国内动荡）。
Mr Erdogan’s experiment has broadened the Kremlin’s field for manoeuvre internationally as well as at home. The purge has weakened Turkey, which until recently was a headache for Russia. As long as Mr Erdogan persists in decimating his own army, Turkey’s role in Syria will continue to decline.
埃尔多安此番尝试扩大了克里姆林宫在国际上以及国内的行动空间。清洗削弱了土耳其，而直至不久前土耳其还是一个令俄罗斯头痛的国家。只要埃尔多安坚持对本国军队进行清洗，土耳其在叙利亚的作用将继续下降。
Even before the coup, Mr Erdogan was patching up relations with Moscow; today Russia is returning to its joint gas and nuclear energy projects with Turkey. The Kremlin also anticipates that Turkey will become the weakest link in Nato and will stop insisting on an increased alliance presence in the Mediterranean and the Black Sea.
在政变爆发前，埃尔多安已着手修复与莫斯科的关系；如今，俄罗斯正在重启与土耳其联合开发的天然气及核能项目。克里姆林宫还预期，土耳其将成为北约最薄弱的环节，而且将不再坚持让北约扩大在地中海及黑海的存在。广州土耳其语翻译公司。
The “personal meeting” between Mr Putin and Mr Erdogan in Russia this week [AUG 9]suggests both sides are ready to expand the scope of their dealings.
普京与埃尔多安近日在俄罗斯举行的“私人会晤”表明，双方都已准备好扩大双边协调的范围。
How realistic are Russia’s dreams of Turkey pivoting east? Such hopes are in many ways naive. First, authoritarian regimes never forge sustainable friendships. Second, neighbouring states with expansionist agendas will sooner or later fall out; if Turkey turns away from the west, its interests in Eurasia will impinge on Moscow’s area of influence. Finally, why would Turkey want to leave Nato and confront an ambitious and reckless Iran and Russia on its own?
俄罗斯期待的土耳其转向东方的可能性有多大？从许多方面可以看出，这样的希望过于天真。首先，威权政府从不可能建立持久的友谊。其次，同时拥有扩张计划的邻邦之间迟早有一天会闹翻；如果土耳其选择疏远西方，其在欧亚大陆的利益将妨碍到莫斯科的势力范围。最后，土耳其为何要离开北约、独自对抗雄心勃勃且不计后果的伊朗还有俄罗斯呢？
The Kremlin sees upsides whichever way it goes. If the west decides it cannot do anything about Mr Erdogan’s push for absolute power, this will justify Moscow’s mantra about western hypocrisy and suggests the west will stomach any authoritarian crackdown. A soft line on Mr Erdogan could also strengthen the hand of those who propose accommodating Russia — who include, to judge by their rhetoric, Germany’s Social Democrats, the junior partner in Chancellor Angela Merkel’s coalition.
不论土耳其选择向西还是向东，克林姆林宫都会从中看到好处。如果西方国家决定不对追求绝对权力的埃尔多安采取任何措施，这将证明莫斯科关于西方虚伪的口头禅是正确的，并表明西方将容忍任何威权镇压活动。对埃尔多安采取温和路线，也将增强那些主张迁就俄罗斯者的影响力——其中包括（根据他们的言论判断）德国总理安格拉•默克尔(Angela Merkel)执政联盟中较小的盟友——德国社会民主党。广州土耳其语翻译公司。
If, on the other hand, Turkey’s relationship with the west deteriorates, the Kremlin will be even happier. It could then play each side against the other, embracing Mr Erdogan against the west or vice versa. Most likely, it will try to do both. Mr Putin already has some experience in driving two horses in opposite directions when trying to contain the west and be partner with the west[EG SYRIA?]. And both he and Mr Erdogan have an interest in flirting with each other to enhance their negotiating positions with the west. But they will never trust one another — not only because Russia and Turkey have always had a rocky relationship but because authoritarian leaders survive by sowing distrust and suspicion of foreign enemies.
另一方面，如果土耳其与西方的关系恶化，克林姆林宫将更为乐见。那样的话，莫斯科就可以从中挑拨离间——支持埃尔多安对抗西方，或是支持西方对抗埃尔多安。最有可能的是，克里姆林宫将尝试双管齐下。在既设法遏制西方同时又与西方合作方面，普京早已拥有了策使两匹马向相反方向前进的经验。普京与埃尔多安都有兴趣相互讨好以增加他们与西方的谈判筹码。但他们绝不会彼此信任——不仅是因为俄土关系一直都龃龉不断，也是因为威权主义领导人要靠煽动对外部敌人的不信任和猜疑才能生存。
From the Brexit vote to the Turkish coup, recent global events have dealt the Kremlin a strong hand. Mr Erdogan’s descent into authoritarianism should serve as a warning to the world about how far personalised regimes, from Moscow to Ankara and beyond, will go to keep a grip on power — and how little the west will do in response.
从英国退欧公投到此次土耳其政变，近期发生的全球性事件增强了克林姆林宫的影响力。埃尔多安堕入威权主义应被看作是对世界的一个警告，即个人化政权（从莫斯科到安卡拉以及其他地区）为了保住权力会走得多么极端——而西方的回应多么羸弱。
The writer is non-resident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution
本文作者是美国布鲁金斯学会(Brookings Institution)非常驻高级研究员
