广州西班牙语翻译公司：我以身为欧洲人而自豪

My British and European identities are intertwined

我以身为欧洲人而自豪

广州西班牙语翻译公司：FT专栏作家凯：即便欧洲一体化是一场通向未知目的地的旅程，我仍将投票支持继续这场颠簸但令人兴奋的旅程。

I am Scottish, British and European and happy to remain so. I am, mostly, proud of all these things. I leftScotlandmore than 40 years ago, but there is still a lump in my throat when I return. A recent stay in theNetherlands— liberal, tolerant and defensive of its own culture— emphasised a common European identity, one which does not self-evidently extend toGreece, far less across the Bosporus.

我是苏格兰人、英国人，也是欧洲人，而且乐于保持这些身份。多数时候，我都为所有这些身份而自豪。我离开苏格兰已40多年，但每次回去都忍不住想哭。最近在荷兰这个自由、宽容且捍卫本国文化的国家小住，让我更深刻地体验了我作为欧洲人的身份认同，但这一认同未必能自然而然地延伸至希腊，更不用说博斯普鲁斯海峡对岸的国家。广州西班牙语翻译公司。

The farcicalUSpresidential campaign highlights the transatlantic gulf in values. We Europeans struggle to understand how settled issues like gun control and healthcare can be so hotly debated: or why their abortion debate is conducted by groups shouting incompatible slogans and cannot be resolved by pragmatic compromise.

闹剧般的美国总统大选凸显了大西洋两岸巨大的价值观差异。我们欧洲人很难理解美国人为什么如此激烈地争论枪支管控、医保等已有定论的问题；或是为什么美国站在堕胎辩论正反两方的团体各自高喊着彼此水火不相容的口号，而无法通过务实的妥协来解决问题。广州西班牙语翻译公司。

My pride in being British was revived in visiting former British colonies.AustraliaandNew Zealandare mature democracies, multi-ethnic but not multicultural, sufficiently comfortable with themselves to have voted to retain their anachronistic monarchy and flag. British people did evil things inIndia,Singaporeand Hong Kong, Scots prominent among the evildoers. ButIndia’s messy democracy and free press are a British legacy:Singaporeand Hong Kong remainBritain’s gateway toChinaand important to that country’s own economic development. Why some people see these connections as incompatible with continued British ties to Europe escapes my understanding.

每次造访曾经的英国殖民地，都让我重新为身为英国人感到自豪。澳大利亚、新西兰都是成熟的民主国家，多族裔但文化上并不多元，对自身现状足够满意，因而曾投票保留不合时宜的君主制和国旗。英国人在印度、新加坡和香港都有过恶行，作恶者中苏格兰人非常显眼。但印度混乱的民主制度和出版自由是英国人留下的遗产；新加坡和香港仍是英国与中国打交道的门户，且对中国自身的经济发展十分重要。我无法理解为什么有人认为，英国无法在维持这些关系的同时继续留在欧盟(EU)内。广州西班牙语翻译公司。

Those who would discard one, or even two, of my claims to Scottish, British and European identity emphasise the indivisibility of sovereignty. Their concept of sovereignty dates from an era when the state was defined by its monopoly of internal and external coercion. But internal coercion in Europe today is imposed by social cohesion and democratic consensus, not by force. And modern Europeans are wary of external coercion, sometimes to the fury of their leaders, who still hanker after the authority and influence it once gave them. Europeans have learnt that the public costs of foreign military engagements far exceed the private benefits of forced extraction of resources from hostile populations.

那些打算放弃我认领的三个身份——苏格兰人、英国人和欧洲人——中的一个、甚至两个的人士，强调的是主权的不可分割性。他们的主权概念可追溯至那样一个时代：国家之所以成为国家，是由其垄断了对内及对外高压决定的。但在如今的欧洲，对内压力是由社会凝聚力和民主共识，而非强制力施加的。当代欧洲人不但警惕对外高压（这有时让他们国家的领导人火冒三丈，这些领导人依然向往对外高压曾赋予他们的权力和影响力），而且已经意识到，对外军事行动的公共成本远远超过从敌方强取资源给民众个人带来的收益。广州西班牙语翻译公司。

European states are not primarily coercive entities. Like businesses, they deliver services — health, education, social welfare, infrastructure — to their customers. The process-oriented organisation appropriate to the governance of repression has not sufficiently adapted to this managerial role, in which effectiveness is judged mainly by the quality, rather than the propriety, of outputs.

欧洲各个国家存在的主要意义已不再是施加高压。像企业一样，这些国家为自己的“客户”提供医疗、教育、社会福利、基础设施等服务。那个适应于压制式治理的过程导向型国家组织，还未完全适应这种管理式角色，在这个角色中，评判治理效率的主要标准是结果的好坏，而非结果是否合乎规矩。广州西班牙语翻译公司。

The Europe worth campaigning for recognises multiple identities and the changed nature of the state. If government is a provider of services rather than a monopolist of force, its powers can be, and inevitably are, shared. The rational debate is not over sovereignty, but about which unit of government is best fitted to deliver which services. And just as I look at different times toScotland,Britainand Europe to define my identity, similarly I look to different levels of government inScotland,Britainand Europe to meet my requirements for health and education, for welfare and social care, refuse collection and trade policy, industrial strategy and environmental protection.

值得我们争取留在其中的欧洲，承认多重认同和国家性质的改变。如果政府是服务的提供者，而非强制力的垄断者，其权力就可以分享、且不可避免地要被分享。理性的辩论不应再围绕主权，而应围绕哪部分政府最适合提供哪项服务。正如我在不同时期分别将眼光投向苏格兰、英国和欧洲来界定自己的身份，我同样指望苏格兰、英国和欧洲不同层级的政府，能够满足我在医疗与教育、福利与社会保障、垃圾处理与贸易政策、产业战略与环境保护方面的需求。广州西班牙语翻译公司。

A European elite sees “more Europe” as the answer to every question. But European citizens will not allow that elite to create the institution it seeks. As Philip Bobbitt has written: “It is a failure of imagination to assume that the only thing that will replace the nation-state is another structure with nation-state-like characteristics.”

欧洲精英阶层将“欧洲化”视为所有问题的解决办法。但欧洲公民不会允许精英阶层建立其所追求的制度。菲利普•博比特(Philip Bobbitt)曾写道：“认为唯一能替代民族国家的东西，就是另一个带有民族国家特点的组织体系，这种想法有些缺乏想象力。”广州西班牙语翻译公司。

Properly understood, the new European ideal transcends the categories that have driven political dialogue since the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. The economist Andrew Shonfield described the European project as a journey to an unknown, because unprecedented, destination. I shall vote to continue that rough but exhilarating journey.

正确的理解是，新的欧洲理想超越了自1648年《威斯特伐利亚和约》(Treaty of Westphalia)以来一直驱动着政治对话的那些理想。经济学家安德鲁•肖恩菲尔德(Andrew Shonfield)将欧洲一体化形容为一场通向未知目的地的旅程——未知是因为无先例可循。我将投票支持继续这场颠簸但令人兴奋的旅程。

广州西班牙语翻译公司