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广州经济翻译公司|中国逆转国企改革方向|专业经济翻译

作者: 来源: 日期:2016-06-15 8:45:14

Chinareverses industry’s free-market drive

中国逆转国企改革方向

 

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导读:国资委在《求是》杂志上撰文称,企业重大决策必须先由党委(党组)研究提出意见建议,涉及国家宏观调控、国家战略、国家安全等重大经营管理事项,必须经党委(党组)研究讨论后,再由董事会、经理班子作出决定。

 

China’s Communist party is moving to tighten its grip on state-owned enterprises, reversing nearly two decades of attempts to remodel them along the lines of western corporations.

中国共产党正采取行动收紧其对国有企业的控制,逆转了按照西方企业的模式重塑这些企业的近20年尝试。

 

The push, outlined in state media articles and party documents, comes amid a tightening of controls over civil society, the military and media as President Xi Jinping seeks to consolidate power within the party.

官方媒体文章和党的文件宣传这项努力之际,对公民社会、军方和媒体的控制也在收紧。目前中国国家主席习近平寻求在党内巩固权力。

 

By giving greater power to party cells within every SOE, the new direction undermines efforts to establish boards of directors to push them to make decisions based on market conditions, profitability and hard budget constraints.

赋予每一家国有企业内部党委更大权力的新方向,破坏了之前的努力,即建立董事会,推动其根据市场状况、盈利能力和硬性预算约束做出决策。

 

It flies in the face of policies aired as recently as September to make SOEs more efficient and market-oriented. Yesterday the International Monetary Fund recommended China create a task force that would help restructure debt-laden SOEs, in line with a government drive this spring to recognise and address industrial overcapacity.

此举也与去年9月出台的政策(使国企更有效率、以市场为导向)明显抵触。昨日国际货币基金组织(IMF)还建议中国成立一个工作组以帮助重组负债累累的国有企业,这个建议与中国政府今年春季发起的承认并应对工业产能过剩的努力是一致的。广州经济翻译公司、专业经济翻译。

 

All the major decisions of the company must be studied and suggested by the party committees,” read an article written by the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission in the influential party magazine Qiushi, or Seeking Truth. “Major operational management arrangements involving macro-control, national strategy and national security must be studied and discussed by the party committees before any decision by the board of directors or company management.”

“企业重大决策必须先由党委(党组)研究提出意见建议,”国务院国有资产监督管理委员会(SASAC)在有影响力的党刊《求是》(Seeking Truth)撰文写道,“涉及国家宏观调控、国家战略、国家安全等重大经营管理事项,必须经党委(党组)研究讨论后,再由董事会、经理班子作出决定。”

 

It’s effectively returning to the pre-reform times,” said Hu Xingdou, economics professor at Beijing Institute of Technology, arguing that the move violates Chinese corporate law.

“这实际上是回到了改革前的时代,”北京理工大学经济学教授胡星斗表示。他提出,此举违反了中国《公司法》。

 

China’s state sector dates from the early 1950s, when private businesses as well as any infrastructure that survived the previous decades of war were nationalised under Soviet tutelage.

中国国有部门可追溯到上世纪50年代初,当时私营企业以及经历了之前几十年的战火而幸存下来的基础设施都按照苏联模式被国有化。

 

In the 1980s and 1990s factories, steel mills, oil refineries and power plants were spun off from ministries while most consumer-oriented state groups were privatised or went bankrupt.

在上世纪8090年代,工厂、炼钢厂、炼油厂和发电厂纷纷从主管它们的部委剥离出来,而多数面向消费者的国有集团被私有化或者破产。

 

After reforms in the late 1990s to purge the most inefficient and debt-laden state groups, the companies that remained in “pillar industries” were reassembled into national champions. Those businesses tried to look and act like multinational competitors, adopting corporate logos, shiny new headquarters in Beijing and listing on international and domestic stock exchanges.

上世纪90年代末推行改革、淘汰效率最低且负债累累的国有集团后,“支柱产业”剩下的国有企业被重组为国有冠军企业。这些企业试图在形象和行为上模仿跨国公司竞争对手,启用公司标识,在北京建设神气的新总部,并在境内外证交所上市。

 

Mr Xi’s more than three-year anti-corruption drive has decimated the management of those national SOEs, especially oil company PetroChina. Zhou Yongkang, the disgraced oil and security tsar who backed Mr Xi’s political rival Bo Xilai, had built a patronage network within the state oil and resources firms that drew on their financial and international clout.

习近平发起的持续已三年多的反腐败斗争重创了国家级国有企业的管理层,特别是中石油(PetroChina)。曾支持习近平的政治对手薄熙来、现已失势的周永康曾经主管石油和政法委部门。他曾在国有石油和资源系统内部编织一个亲信网络,利用这些企业的财务和国际影响力。

 

Almost all executives at SOEs are party members. Their corporate status gives them a rank equivalent to the government officials who regulate them. The heads of the largest SOEs also enjoy senior party ranking.

几乎所有国企高管都是党员。像监管国企高管的政府官员一样,国企高管在企业管理层的地位有对应的行政级别。最大的国有企业的负责人党内级别也很高。

 

China’s SOE sector officially makes money — but a 2012 study by the Unirule Institute of Economics estimated that the most powerful national, provincial and local SOEs lost money from 2001 to 2009, when their reported profits were offset by subsidies received. More recently, they binged on debt during a Beijing-backed stimulus programme after the global financial crisis.

中国的国企部门理论上是盈利的,但2012年由天则经济研究所(Unirule Institute of Economics)进行的一项研究估计,最强大的国家、省和地方国有企业在2001年至2009年亏损,它们报告的利润被获得的补贴抵消。近年来,在全球金融危机过后北京方面实行刺激计划期间,国有企业背上大量债务。

 

Leftist critics argue the privatisation of Chinese business stripped assets from the state and deprived workers of the cradle-to-grave security known inChinaas the “iron rice bowl”.

左派批评者认为,中国企业的私有化导致国有资产流失,使工人们失去了从摇篮到坟墓的保障——在中国被称为“铁饭碗”。

 

Nonetheless, SOEs have continued to advance the state’s interest. They make up local government funding gaps, keep workers on the books to reduce unemployment and project Chinese power abroad.

尽管如此,国有企业继续推进国家的利益。他们弥补地方政府的资金缺口、为减少失业坚持不裁员,并在海外投射中国实力。

 

Additional reporting by Gabriel Wildau and Luna Lin

吴佳柏(Gabriel Wildau)Luna Lin补充报道

 

广州经济翻译公司 专业经济翻译

 

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