Historic misunderstanding underlies UK-EU relationship on Churchill anniversary
“欧洲之父”丘吉尔和被误读的英欧关系
广州英语翻译公司：皮尔：英国人对欧洲的态度根植于大英帝国的历史，以及这样一种观念，即英国的安全、利益和外交都系于全球、而非仅系于欧洲。
Exactly 70 years ago, on September 19, 1946, Sir Winston Churchill delivered his famous speech in Zurich calling for the creation of “a United States of Europe”.
整70年前的1946年9月19日（原文发表于9月19日——译者注），温斯顿•丘吉尔爵士(Sir Winston Churchill)在苏黎世发表了一篇著名演说，呼吁建立“欧罗巴合众国”。广州英语翻译公司。
Britain’s wartime leader was revered across the continent for his role in the defeat of Nazi Germany, despite the fact that he had lost office as UK prime minister after the general election of 1945. His ringing call for reconciliation between France and Germany, and “the re-creation of the European family”, struck a chord for both the victors and the vanquished emerging from the devastation of two world wars. It inspired a European movement that led to the creation of the Common Market, and, ultimately, to today’s European Union.
尽管丘吉尔在1945年的大选中丢掉了首相之位，但这位英国的战时领袖因其在击败纳粹德国过程中发挥的作用赢得了欧洲各地民众的尊敬。他对法德两国和解以及“再造欧洲大家庭”的大声疾呼，在从两次世界大战的浩劫中走出来的战胜国和战败国之间都引发了共鸣。丘吉尔的呼吁激发了一场欧洲一体化运动，促成了欧洲共同市场(Common Market)的建立，并最终形成了今天的欧盟(EU)。
“Churchill was called the father of ‘Europe’, and he said much to justify that label,” the British journalist and political commentator Hugo Young wrote in his seminal history of Britain and Europe. “But he was also the father of misunderstandings about Britain’s part in this Europe. He encouraged Europe to misunderstand Britain, and Britain to misunderstand herself.”
“丘吉尔被称为‘欧洲’之父，他当之无愧，”英国记者、政论家雨果•扬(Hugo Young)在其关于英国与欧洲历史的影响深远的著作中写道，“但他也是英国在新欧洲所扮演角色被误解的始作俑者。他助长了欧洲对英国的误解以及英国对自身的误解。” 广州英语翻译公司。
As Churchill urged a Franco-German partnership to lead his vision of a new Europe, he declared that Great Britain and the British Commonwealth, along with the US and USSR, should be “friends and sponsors” of the project. He did not talk of the UK becoming a member itself.
虽然丘吉尔力劝法德建立伙伴关系、带领欧洲向他设想的新欧洲迈进，他却宣称，英国、英联邦应同美国、苏联一道，成为该计划的“支持者和赞助者”。他并未谈到英国自身应成为新欧洲的一员。
“We are with Europe, but not of it,” he wrote in an earlier essay. “We are linked but not comprised.” That ambiguity has haunted Britain’s relationship with its continental neighbours ever since, culminating in the UK referendum vote on June 23 for Brexit.
“我们与欧洲在一起，但并非其中一员，”他在早前的一篇文章中写道，“我们彼此关联，但并无隶属关系。”自那时起，这种含糊不明一直困扰着英国与其欧陆邻国的关系，直到今年6月23日英国公投表决退出欧盟时达到顶点。广州英语翻译公司。
First the UK refused to join in 1957, dismissing the negotiations for the Treaty of Rome as irrelevant. Then, when Harold Macmillan changed his mind, for fear of being left out of an economic success story, his membership bid was vetoed by France’s president Charles de Gaulle. When Edward Heath finally succeeded in negotiating membership from 1973, it was seen by many as a defeat for UK exceptionalism, not a victory for European solidarity.
起先，英国在1957年拒绝加入欧洲经济共同体，并将罗马条约(Treaty of Rome)的谈判斥为无足轻重。后来，当哈罗德•麦克米伦(Harold Macmillan)因担心英国错失一个经济增长机会而改变主意申请加入时，他的申请却被法国总统夏尔•戴高乐(Charles de Gaulle)否决。当1973年爱德华•希思(Edward Heath)最终成功地通过谈判让英国加入欧共体时，许多人将之视为英国例外主义的失败，而非欧洲一体化的胜利。
That British attitude is rooted in its imperial history — Churchill’s great passion — and a perception of British security, its interests and its diplomacy, as global, not narrowly European. That feeling, along with resentment at the apparent roles of Germany and France in setting the European agenda, was a constant subtext to arguments in favour of Brexit.
英国人对欧洲的这种态度根植于大英帝国的历史——丘吉尔的一大爱好——以及这样一种观念，即英国的安全、利益和外交都系于全球、而非仅系于欧洲。这种感觉（以及对德法两国在设置欧洲议程方面明显作用的不满）一直以来是暗含在主张退欧理由中的潜台词。广州英语翻译公司。
Yet, in spite of the centrality of strategic concerns to the intellectual UK debate on Europe, the subjects of foreign policy and security received scant attention during the referendum campaign. It was dominated instead by the debates on immigration and the economy.
然而，尽管外交政策和安全议题在英国知识界关于去留欧盟的辩论中处于战略关切的中心，但这两个议题在此次公投运动中几乎没有受到关注。反而是围绕移民和经济的辩论占了主导。
“When foreign, security and defence policy was discussed . . . it was predominantly in terms of the costs and benefits to the UK of being a member of the EU,” says Richard Whitman, professor of politics and international relations at the University of Kent. “There was no substantive rehearsal of what the future EU-UK foreign and security policy relationship might be with the UK outside the EU.”
“在讨论外交、安全和防务政策时……主要谈论的是英国作为欧盟成员国的成本和收益，”肯特大学(University of Kent)政治与国际关系教授理查德•惠特曼(Richard Whitman)说，“关于英国退欧后欧盟与英国外交及安全政策关系可能会有怎样的未来，根本没有切实的预演。” 广州英语翻译公司。
It was a curious and alarming omission, given that such questions have always been at the heart of British historic hesitation about the EU.
这是一个蹊跷且令人担忧的遗漏，因为这些问题一直都处于英国对欧盟犹豫不决历史的中心。
For Churchill, as for the overwhelming majority of the British establishment in those early postwar decades, the British empire (and the Commonwealth that succeeded it) and the “special relationship” with the US, were the nation’s two most important strategic priorities. Nato was seen in London as much the most important alliance in Europe. The Common Market, launched in 1957 by the Treaty of Rome, was seen as largely irrelevant to national security.
对丘吉尔以及战后初期几十年英国绝大多数建制派而言，大英帝国（及后来的英联邦）与英美“特殊关系”是英国最重要的两个战略重点。伦敦方面将北约视为欧洲可以说最重要的联盟。根据1957年《罗马条约》建立的欧洲共同市场基本上被视为对国家安全无关紧要。
In the Brexit camp, the idea of reviving an Anglosphere centred on the “special relationship” between London and Washington (especially in intelligence co-operation), and underpinned by close ties with the “old” Commonwealth of Australia, Canada and New Zealand, was very popular. The question now is whether that romantic attachment to old imperial and English-speaking ties can be turned into an effective policy. The world in 2016 is very different from that of 1946.
在退欧阵营，复兴盎格鲁文化圈(Anglosphere)的想法非常流行，盎格鲁文化圈以英美“特殊关系”（尤其是情报合作）为中心，以与澳大利亚、加拿大、新西兰几个“老”英联邦国家的紧密联系为支撑。现在的问题是，这种对昔日帝国和英语圈联系的不切实际的依恋，能否转化为有效的政策。2016年的世界已经与1946年的世界截然不同了。广州英语翻译公司。
“The number one problem is that everyone else has moved on,” says Prof Whitman. “They have been pretty successful at forging ‘post-British’ foreign policy identities.” Australia and New Zealand have refocused their foreign and security policy on the Asia-Pacific region, in which China is the dominant player. Canada has defined itself as an independent-minded US neighbour with increasingly strong Asia links to balance its traditional European ties.
“首要问题在于，所有其他国家都已经向前看了，”惠特曼教授说，“在塑造‘后英国’外交政策认同方面，他们一直非常成功。”澳大利亚、新西兰已将本国的外交和安全政策重心重新调整到亚太地区，而这一地区的主导者是中国。加拿大已将自身定义为美国的独立自主的邻居，并利用与亚洲日益强有力的联系来平衡与欧洲的传统关系。
As for the US, successive regimes have made it clear that they see European integration as an essential part of western security policy and they have made no secret of wanting the UK to be a full-hearted player. Opinion in Washington was overwhelmingly opposed to the idea of Brexit during the referendum campaign, with the exception of Donald Trump, the Republican presidential candidate.
至于美国，历届政府都明确表示，他们将欧洲一体化视为西方安全政策的重要组成部分，并毫不掩饰地表示希望英国全心全意地促进欧洲一体化。此次公投运动期间，除了共和党总统候选人唐纳德•特朗普(Donald Trump)之外，反对英国退出欧盟的意见在华盛顿占压倒性多数。广州英语翻译公司。
Leading members of the Brexit camp, such as David Davis, now the minister responsible for the exit negotiations, and Liam Fox, minister for international trade, have always based their arguments on the irrelevance of the EU to UK security, and the far greater importance of Nato. The expectation now is that the UK will throw itself with redoubled enthusiasm into beefing up the Nato alliance, to make up for its gradual withdrawal from the EU. That could mean bolstering the UK military support for the Baltic republics, however much such a move might infuriate Moscow.
退欧阵营主要成员——如现在负责退欧谈判的大臣戴维•戴维斯(David Davis)、国际贸易大臣利亚姆•福克斯(Liam Fox)——一直将“欧盟对英国的安全无关紧要、北约要重要得多”作为自己的立论基础。现在的预期是，英国将以加倍的热情投入增强北约联盟力量的努力中，以补偿其逐步退出欧盟的不利影响。这可能意味着加强英国对波罗的海国家的军事支持——无论此举可能会多大地激怒俄罗斯。
For the rest of the EU, the prospect of UK withdrawal is a mixed blessing. On the one hand, the most serious and rapidly deployable military forces in the EU are those of Britain and France. The UK has played a leading role in the anti-piracy operation off the coast of Somalia. British diplomats have also played an important role in establishing the European External Action Service — the EU’s own diplomatic arm.
对欧盟其他成员国而言，英国退欧带来的前景可谓喜忧参半。一方面，欧盟最重要及部署最快速的军事力量就是英军和法军。在打击索马里附近海域海盗的行动中，英国发挥了领导作用。英国外交官在建立欧盟自身的外交机构——欧盟对外行动署(European External Action Service)方面也发挥了重要的作用。广州英语翻译公司。
On the other hand, the UK has been increasingly hostile to the development of an EU defence policy, and to any weakening of intergovernmental control (and therefore a national veto) of security policy. British departure from the EU would free the other member states to move forward with the creation of a stronger military operational and planning core, as favoured by France, and more support for a stronger European defence industry.
另一方面，英国越来越反对发展欧盟防务政策，反对以任何形式削弱对安全政策的政府间控制权（因而也反对削弱国家否决权）。英国退欧将使得其他成员国能够自由地推进创建一个更强大的军事行动和规划核心（如法国所青睐的），增加对更强大的欧洲国防工业的支持。
In the three months since the referendum vote, there has been no indication from Boris Johnson, the new foreign secretary, or prime minister Theresa May as to how they see the future focus of foreign and security policy.
进行公投后的三个月里，新任外交大臣鲍里斯•约翰逊(Boris Johnson)和新任首相特里萨•梅(Theresa May)都未说明他们对英国外交和安全政策未来的工作重点有何看法。
The truth is that the process of negotiating Brexit, and reorganising the UK-EU relationship for the future, is likely to dominate everything else on the British government’s agenda for years to come.
事实是，英国退欧的谈判进程以及重新定义英国与欧盟未来关系这两件事，可能将在未来多年主导英国政府的所有议程。广州英语翻译公司。
“The UK’s key foreign policy priority for the foreseeable future will be sorting out its relationship with the EU,” says Prof Whitman. “We will have to devote far more energy and effort to the EU than to the wider world. We will need more EU experts than ever before.”
“在可预见的未来，英国主要的外交政策重点将是理顺其与欧盟的关系，”惠特曼教授说，“我们将不得不对欧盟投入比对世界其他地区多得多的精力和努力。我们将需要比以往任何时候都更多的欧盟专家。”
That is the irony of the Brexit decision. At least for the foreseeable future, it will mean a lot more EU, rather than less, on the UK government agenda.
这正是英国退欧决定的可笑之处。至少在可预见的未来，这意味着英国政府的议程将更多、而非更少地考虑欧盟。
Quentin Peel is the FT’s former international affairs editor
昆廷•皮尔曾是英国《金融时报》国际事务主编
