Leaders must make the case for globalisation
“全球化机遇”为何沦为“全球化危机”？
广州全球化翻译公司：布朗：面对经济全球化的问题频出，各国政客却更愿意单独行动；而欧盟非但无助解决问题，反而成了最大的问题。
An ugly EU referendum campaign has led to an even uglier aftermath. Historians will see the largest popular revolt against political, business and financial elites as the nearest Britain has come in centuries to a revolution. Unless we understand what lies behind it, protectionist forces will remain in the ascendant and the very existence of the UK in jeopardy.
一场丑陋的英国退欧公投运动带来了更为丑陋的后果。历史学家将把这场民众对政治、商业和金融界精英的规模最大的反抗，视为英国几百年来最接近革命的一次。除非我们了解其背后的原因，否则保护主义势力将保持上升势头，同时英国的生存仍将岌岌可危。广州全球化翻译公司。
The leaders of the Remain campaign failed to persuade the British people that, in an interdependent world, countries have to get the balance right between the autonomy they desire and the international co-operation they need. The hollowness of the slogan used by the Leave side and anti-globalisation protesters everywhere — “Take back control” — remained unexposed.
留欧运动的领导人未能让英国人相信，在一个相互依存的世界里，各国必须在他们渴望的自治以及他们需要的国际合作之间合理把握平衡。退欧阵营以及世界各地反全球化抗议者所使用的口号（夺回控制权）的空洞之处仍未暴露出来。
It is a simple truth that if the global economy appears leaderless, anti-globalisation movements will rise. Although millions know the costs of globalisation, few ever hear of the gains.
如果全球经济群龙无首，反全球化的运动将增加，这是一个简单的道理。尽管无数人了解全球化的代价，但几乎无人听说过它的好处。广州全球化翻译公司。
While today’s patently global problems — low growth, trade protectionism, financial instability and deep-seated inequality, as well as mass migration — cry out for co-ordinated global solutions, politicians act as if such problems are best addressed by nation states acting alone and shy away from advocating the international co-operation essential for inclusive growth. As a result, the one global economic organisation where political leadership could make the most difference — the G20 group of leading industrial nations — is widely viewed as ineffective, while the EU has come to be viewed as part of the problem rather than the solution.
如今明显的全球问题（低增长、贸易保护主义、金融不稳定和严重不平等以及大规模移民）亟需相互协调的全球解决方案，然而，看政治人士的行事方式，好像解决这些问题的最佳方式就是各国单独行动似的，同时他们不愿支持对包容性增长至关重要的国际合作。因此，政治领导力能够发挥最大作用的那个全球性经济组织（即：领先工业国组成的20国集团(G20)）被普遍视为低效，同时欧盟被视为这个问题的一部分，而不是解决问题的方案。
It is no accident that while Britain’s most cosmopolitan cities voted for the UK to remain in the EU, the semi-skilled workers of towns like Burnley, Hartlepool, Wolverhampton and Hull were Leave’s newest recruits. Paradoxically, those worst affected by the ills of globalisation voted against what was a partial cure.
毫不意外的是，英国的那些国际大都市投票支持英国留在欧盟，而伯恩利、哈特尔浦、伍尔弗汉普顿和赫尔等城市的半技术工人是退欧阵营最新招募的成员。矛盾的是，那些受全球化弊端影响最严重的人，反而投票反对可部分解决问题的方案。广州全球化翻译公司。
This is not just a British problem. In country after country, the gap between the promise of globalisation and people’s day-to-day experiences of insecurity, joblessness and stalled living standards is so stark that we are bound to see more “take back control” protests. There is a view that, with the old industrial revolution battle between working classes and elites finally over, the new political dividing line is between those who champion open societies and those who favour closed ones. This ignores profound questions about who gains and who loses from global change.
这个问题不仅存在于英国。在很多国家，全球化的美好前景与人们的不安全感、失业以及生活水平停滞等日常体验之间的差距如此明显，以至于我们肯定会看到更多喊着“夺回控制权”口号的抗议。有一种观点认为，随着劳动阶层与精英阶层之间古老的工业革命斗争最终结束，新的政治分歧存在于两群人之间，一群人支持开放社会，另一群支持封闭社会。这忽视了更深层次的问题，即：全球变革为谁带来好处，又让谁蒙受损失？
The real division is between those who would support a well-managed globalisation and those who oppose co-ordinated action, either because they favour a global free-for-all or are simply anti-globalisation populists and protectionists. This dichotomy lies at the heart of the current turmoil in the Labour party: is it to be a party of anti-globalisation protest or a pro-globalisation movement that uses power to transform insecurity into opportunity?
真正的分歧存在于两群人之间，一群人支持管理得当的全球化，另一群反对协调行动（原因要么是他们支持全球性的自由混战，要么是他们就是反全球化的民粹主义者和保护主义者）。这一对立处于工党(Labour party)当前动荡的核心：它是会成为一个支持反全球化抗议的党派，还是一项利用权力将不安全感变为机遇的支持全球化运动？广州全球化翻译公司。
In post-industrial societies around the world, mainstream parties are fighting for their very survival as old loyalties fracture and concerns about identity rise to the surface. So we need a programme that shows how an open global economy can maximise the opportunities and minimise the insecurities of the unskilled, the poorly educated and those currently losing out. In doing so we can answer the question left hanging in the referendum and show how states can commit to wide-ranging co-operation on trade, security, energy and the environment without sacrificing proud national identities.
在世界各地的后工业化社会，随着昔日的忠心四分五裂、有关身份认同的担忧显性化，主流党派正在为他们的存活而战斗。因此我们需要一个计划，表明开放的全球经济能够让机遇最大化，能够最大程度地帮助那些无技能劳动者、教育水平低下者以及正在吃亏的人们减少不安全感。在这么做的过程中，我们可以回答英国退欧公投中悬而未决的问题，并展示出国家如何能够在不损害骄傲的国家认同的情况下，致力于贸易、安全、能源和环境方面的广泛合作。
We have to act quickly. Protectionist forces have ensured that for the first time in 40 years there is no world trade agreement, while the substitutes for such an agreement — the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and the Trans-Pacific Partnership — are now being killed off by protests in America and Europe. Self-absorbed and inward-looking European countries appear incapable of coping with the problems on their doorstep: Russian aggression, the civil war in Syria, Isis, migration from Africa and the Middle East, and of course, economic stagnation.
我们必须迅速采取行动。保护主义势力已确保全球性贸易协议40年来首次不存在了，同时替代全球性协议的《跨大西洋贸易和投资伙伴关系协定》(TTIP)和《跨太平洋战略经济伙伴关系协定》(TPP)现在正被欧美的抗议活动扼杀。关注于自身且自我封闭的欧洲国家似乎无力解决他们家门口的问题：俄罗斯的好斗、叙利亚内战、“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国”(ISIS)、非洲和中东移民，当然还有经济停滞。广州全球化翻译公司。
At a minimum, September’s G20 summit should show that global co-operation can make a difference. To reinvigorate trade and stimulate a still-sluggish world economy, it should agree a global growth pact founded on a co-ordinated approach to monetary and fiscal policy and structural reform.
至少，9月的20国集团(G20)峰会应显示出全球合作能够发挥作用。要重振贸易并刺激仍显乏力的全球经济，G20应达成一项基于协调的货币和财政政策以及结构性改革的全球增长协议。
At home, a programme to make globalisation work will achieve little if it is fixated on boardroom pay and representation: it should be about new ways to encourage upward mobility, winning the race between education and technology and re-establishing the link between high productivity, high growth and rising living standards while tackling inequalities at source.
在国内，如果让全球化成功的计划集中在董事会薪资和代表权上的话，这个计划将不会起到什么效果：它应包括鼓励社会中下层向上流动的新方法，赢得教育与科技之间的竞赛，重新建立高生产率、高增长和生活水平不断提高之间的联系，同时从源头解决不平等问题。
Although David Davis, the new Brexit minister, wants a Canadian-style trade deal with the EU, full access to the single market via the European Economic Area is in Britain’s national interest and should be our first objective. We should negotiate to use the EEA’s safeguard clause and the kind of protocol Liechtenstein has to ease worries about migration. It is time for governments everywhere to give globalisation the leadership it lacks — and the human face it needs.
尽管英国新任脱欧事务大臣戴维•戴维斯(David Davis)希望与欧盟签订加拿大式的贸易协议，但通过欧洲经济区(European Economic Area)享有单一市场的完全开放符合英国的国家利益，应该成为我们的首要目标。我们应进行谈判，利用欧洲经济区的保障条款和列支敦士登拥有的那种协议，来缓解移民方面的担忧。时候已到，眼下世界各地的政府都应赋予全球化它所缺少的领导力，并赋予全球化它所需要的人性的一面。
The writer was UK prime minister between 2007 and 2010
本文作者曾在2007年至2010年担任英国首相
